In mid-December of 2004, Dr. Régulo Franco Jordán made an earth-shattering discovery that changed the world of Peruvian archaeology and ancient feminist study. Nested about three meters beneath the Huaca Cao Viejo temple of the Northern Coastal Moche society in the Chicama Valley of Peru, this team of archaeologists, led by Dr. Jordán, unearthed a burial chamber shrouded in mystery. In this chamber lies the Lady of Cao, a powerful and elite female figure in Moche society who lived to the age of 25 from about 425 to 450 CE, before succumbing to eclampsia in childbirth. In the wake of the Lord of Sipán boom of the late 20th century, another powerful Moche ruler discovered by the same archeological group, the Lady of Cao was initially speculated by archaeologists to be a man, which was soon proven false, according to an archaeologist at the Augusto N. Weise Foundation, Augusto Bazán Pérez.

The following revelation that this ruler was a woman defied the norms of Moche archaeology, as the mummy’s richness rivaled even that of the Lord of Sipán. Furthermore, the unprecedented opulence of the offerings hinted at a woman of extraordinary rank, challenging the established narratives of ancient power and gender dynamics even within her short lifetime.

Yet, despite the lavishness of her burial and funerary bundle, the Lady of Cao remains an elusive figure, her precise identity and role in Moche society concealed in the folds of time. Throughout their anthropological research, Dr. Jordán and fellow archaeologist José Ismael Alva posit the notion of the Lady of Cao as a multi-faceted ruling figure: evidence in both the intricate motifs of her tattoos and the artifacts within her funerary bundle points to her position as a seer with deity-like powers, a curadora (healer), and perhaps even a weaver. Not only was the Lady of Cao deeply ingrained in the textile culture of the Moche, but the material culture buried alongside her also points to the Lady’s position as leader of Moche sacrificial ceremonies and war efforts.

The Lady of Cao, an exceptional figure in Moche archaeology, challenges traditional narratives of gender roles in ancient and contemporary societies.. While her opulent burial suggests a woman of elite rank, the elusive nature of her identity and the interpretation of her tattoos and artifacts continue to ignite scholarly debates. Working to unravel the enigma surrounding the Lady of Cao by exploring the complex dimensions of her societal role, the symbolism embedded in her tattoos, and the broader implications for understanding power dynamics and gender hierarchies in the Moche civilization, allows for an enlightening of women’s stories from past to present, and those in between, which have yet to be written.

The Moche, a farming-based civilization in Peru’s northern coastal desert, flourished from around 100 CE to 900 CE. This region hosts one of the world's driest coastal deserts, which, without Moche intervention, was unable to sustain much native flora. The Moche mastered sophisticated irrigation systems utilizing rivers and runoff from the western face of the Andes, intercepting the flow path from the mountainous region to the Pacific Ocean. During the Mochica period, through the primary use of canals, crops previously unable to be cultivated thrived, turning the once-dry land into fertile fields capable of growing crops such as sugarcane, maize, beans, and cotton. The Moche’s reliance on abundant marine resources from the Pacific Ocean further fueled their economic prosperity. It was a predominant source of nutrition along with corn grains, as evidenced by an isotopic hair study of the Lady of Cao.

The Moche civilization was not only sequestered to the Chicama Valley where the Lady of Cao was found. Their range was quite extensive, spanning over 14 valleys on the Peruvian north coast, from the northern Lambayeque River Valley to the southern Nepeña River Valley, which eventually became known by some scholars as part of “one of the first state societies in South America.” The state-organized Moche society was formerly governed, overseeing a social strata of the bureaucracy and commoners governed by a local elite, a character like the Lady of Cao. This decentralized political structure is reflected in the distinctiveness of various Moche archaeological sites. The arts were of utmost importance within the Moche civilization, with complex metalworking, jeweling, and pottery techniques on display within the immaculately preserved artifacts found in the tomb of the Lady of Cao.

Hélène Bernier, a scholar of the Department of Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, writes, “The Moche were innovators on many political, ideological, and artistic levels. They developed a powerful elite and specialized craft production, and instituted labor tribute payments. They elaborated new technologies in metallurgy, pottery, and textile production, and they created an elaborate ideological system and a complex religious iconography.” Bernier’s observations underscore the multifaceted nature of Moche society, highlighting innovations in politics,  technology, craftsmanship, and religious practices. These intricacies set the stage for understanding the Lady of Cao’s role within a sophisticated and dynamic civilization. Textiles, pottery, motifs, drawings, body painting and modification, and metalworking were used to share and record histories through iconographic methods rather than the written word.

The Huaca Cao Viejo temple of the Chicama Valley was discovered in December 2004, a date debated amongst scholars. Within the richly painted walls of the temple, lay the immaculately preserved, tattooed body of the 4’9” Lady of Cao, one of six total burials within the temple. Covered in layers upon layers of textile and cotton cloth, her funerary bundle weighed 4.5 pounds and was a foot taller than she was during her life. The size, complex assembly, and care put into the bundle's creation emphasized her status during her reign as a powerful and elite political ruler of the Chicama Valley within the Moche civilization.

The Lady of Cao was the first woman in Peruvian history to have such a rich, complex burial and funerary bundle, one of the “best-preserved elite burial[s] found in Peru to date.” This idea is furthered by the number of people and resources used to create this time capsule, which mummified and preserved the Lady of Cao almost immaculately. Her preservation is primarily due to the use of cinnabar, or mercury sulfide, as determined by energy-dispersive spectroscopy (EDS), which covered both her body and the textiles that shrouded her. An adolescent female lay next to the Lady in her tomb, wrapped in a single layer of textile, in an apparent sacrifice, with the reed rope still hung around her neck. Christina Taggart writes, “Human sacrifice was occasionally a component of funerary rituals of high-status individuals, with sacrificial victims placed over the tombs of elites to act as guardians or servants to the dead (Benson 2001:7; Bourget (2001:90) [...] this practice may have been introduced by the Moche.”

In 2007, researchers divided the over 20 layers of the bundle into three distinct phases. In the tomb of the Lady of Cao, outside of the funerary bundle, various vessels were meticulously positioned as offerings—four in the Gallinazo style from the Viru Valley in Northern Peru, and seven in the Moche style. An owl vessel protruded from the burial pit’s surface, assumed to be a container for post-burial libations, likely chicha, a corn-based alcohol, whose anthropomorphic features are also found in additional Moche funeral rituals and sites. Dr. Sarah Scher explains that most “elite examples of textiles found in burials exhibit elaborate embroidery over their surfaces, representing an immense investment in time as well as resources.” The entire bundle was covered with a woven reed textile, and beneath that, the outermost layer featured a mantle adorned with an embroidered human face painted with cinnabar, another clue into the status of the Lady of Cao.

In the next layer, beneath five sheets of textile, the excavation revealed two wooden clubs plated with gilded copper, and four diadems featuring feline designs, symbolizing power and domination through the revered cat, a formidable predator on Peru’s north coast. The fabric closest to her body comprised numerous offerings. One of the most noteworthy was twenty-three
ceremonial wooden spear throwers, coated in gilded copper, as well as large gilded wooden war clubs. These clubs and spears are often associated with male activities like hunting and warfare in the Moche civilization. The layer also featured a few items linked to textile production, like copper and gold needles and wooden spindles, alongside four well-preserved cotton dresses with intricate patterns, two of which appear well-worn, the other two relatively new.

All of the tunics are typical of Moche women’s clothing; however, one of the dresses has a repeated spiral or wave motif, often seen in depictions of warriors’ tunics. Scher expands on these findings, stating, “I would argue that like the wave/spiral motif on her long tunic, the inclusion of weapons, a male headdress, and nose ornaments in the burial was adeliberate complication of the gender of the Señora de Cao, to reflect and carry forth in death the role she had played and the power she had held in life.” With the Lady of Cao’s forty-three gold and silver nose ornaments, not to mention the ear spools, copper, and gold-gilded spears, gold needles, etc., her high status rivals the status of even the Lord of Sipán, who was thought to be the most elite of the Moche rulers for over two decades. These needles, cotton garments, spindles, and spider tattoos indicate that she was a weaver or a craftswoman, like spiders weave their webs, supported by the leading archaeologist in the research, Dr. Jordán.

Before the discovery of the Lady of Cao, considered the inaugural female ruler in pre-Columbian Peru, the prevailing perception of the Moche society was that it was male-dominated, due to the violence inherent in the society. This belief of exclusive male domination and worship has since been almost entirely proven false, with findings of the Lady of Cao as well as the Priestesses of San José de Moro questioning the steadfastness of this belief. The Chicama Valley Moche civilization was not as female-centric as some other Moche states within Northern Peru. As seen in the nearby San José de Moro Moche temple within the La Libertad Region of Northwestern Peru, Priestesses were greatly celebrated and held immense power in both life and death in the Andean spiritual system:

Unlike San José de Moro, there is no tradition of female-centered iconography at Huaca Cao Viejo. The uniqueness of the Señora’s tomb may indicate that there was no institutional female power at the site, as there was at San José de Moro. [...] By emphasizing female supernaturals (and de-emphasizing the Warrior Narrative), the iconography of San José de Moro argues for power based in the female rather than the male [...] Thus, San José de Moro gained a vested interest in the establishment and maintenance of female sociopolitical power which was not carried beyond the Señora de Cao in her polity. Perhaps if other woman had persisted in her role after her, we might have seen the same shift in iconographic emphasis there.”

In contrast to San José de Moro, the Chicama Valley region associated with the Lady of Cao is believed to have been characterized by a more pronounced male dominance, accentuating the remarkable nature of her authority. The significance of her role becomes even more striking when considering the broader context of much of Moche society, where women were conventionally thought to occupy limited positions of influence. Her unprecedented stature challenges enduring gender norms, serving as a testament to her extraordinary standing within a societal framework dominated mainly by men. The scarcity of information on potential female kin or contemporaries in authoritative roles further underscores the Lady of Cao’s unique position within the Chicama Valley and broader Moche society.

Additionally, Scher discusses the possibility of a connection between the Priestesses of San José de Moro and the Lady of Cao: “An interesting connection between the Señora and the Priestesses may be made through the style of the nose ornaments buried with her. They closely resemble the gold and silver objects looted in the 1960s from Loma Negra, a site far to the north of the Moche sphere of influence known at the time.” The potential connection between the Lady of Cao’s tomb and the northern-style metalwork suggests a plausible link to northern polities. It raises the possibility that the northern region might have harbored a tradition of influential women, with the Lady of Cao serving as a notable representative within the middle Moche period. The subsequent presence of Priestesses interred at San José de Moro could be seen as a continuation of this legacy. While compelling, this hypothesis remains unproven, allowing future investigations to delve deeper into these intriguing dynamics. But, at least from the evidence at Huaca Cao Viejo, the Lady of Cao appears to be the only woman of elite status in that area.

One of the most notable aspects of the Lady of Cao is her tattoos that spread from her forearms to her hands, legs, and feet. Tattooing within Moche society and among surrounding civilizations was common and was almost always facilitated by women. The most likely method of the Lady of Cao’s tattoos is through the use of the jagua fruit, which turns a dark blue tone upon oxidation. First, the artists would use fish bones, spiny shells, metal needles, or parrot feathers to make the designs, then rub jagua juice onto the wounds, creating deep pigment in addition to its antibacterial effects. The Lady of Cao held numerous motifs and symbols within her skin, such as spiders and snakes, geometric and solar iconographies, and birds, all of which are quite significant in Moche cosmology.

In examining the spiritual significance of the Lady of Cao as evidenced by her tattoos, Dr. Jordán suggests she may have been a shaman, seer, and healer, attributing profound spiritual power to them. Figures of spiders are often linked with the encouragement of rain, and snakes are predominantly associated with promoting soil fertility: “[these figures] strengthen the thesis that she was also dedicated to highly spiritual activities, a profession that was linked to political-religious power,” giving her the position of an almost deity-like figure. However, this interpretation is debated, as snake and spider motifs are quite common not only in presentations of soil fertility and rain-bringing, but also in warfare and violence.

At the Cassinelli Museum of Trujillo lies a piece of Moche III ceramics featuring curanderismo, or healer activity. The figure in the sculpture has snake tattoos on her forearms, similar to the Lady of Cao. Still, the connections between the snake motifs and healing are inconclusive from this example alone. Additionally, a white ceramic pot found within her burial chamber depicts a curanderismo woman healing an infant. The pot appears to have been used and made long before she passed, thus, many researchers believe it may represent a scene from the Lady of Cao’s childhood. Like many other instances within the Lady of Cao’s life, it cannot be proven definitively due to a lack of primary resources from that era. Yet she was certainly a woman of power, as evidenced by her luxurious funerary bundle, especially compared to the other examples found at Huaca Cao Viejo.

Dr. Jordán and Victor Vásquez Sánchez suggest that her tattoos provide clues to her dominance in the Moche “Sacrifice Ceremony,” a private custom depicted in Moche iconography and practiced among the Moche elite. Until the finding and analysis of the Lady of Cao and overlapping connections of headdress as seen in her tomb and compared to the sacrifice image, the archaeologists assumed that the characters of this central ceremony were not just mythical figures, but also men. Today, it has been found through archaeological research that Character A, who is given the cup of blood, corresponds to the character of the Lord of Sipán; Character B corresponds to the Owl Priest, also buried in Sipán; Character C corresponds to a Priestess whose tomb was discovered in San José de Moro; and Character D, is compared with the Lady of Cao. Her character (D) was illustrated as big as the character (A), who was thought to be occupied by the Lord of Sipán. This evidence continues to solidify her importance and her depictions during her time not vis-à-vis a man, but as a force in her own right. The feline diadem within the image corresponds to the four buried amongst the Lady of Cao, as well as the silver ear spools, gold-plated tunic, and nose ornaments. Her tattoos also symbolize death and sacrifice through the use of both the snake and the spider, subverting the researchers’ initial reflections.

Christina Taggart draws further connections between Mochica women and sacrificial ceremonies, continuing from the Priestesses found in San José de Moro, an archaeological site near Sipán. Here, the excavated tombs of two women have been identified as participants in the Sacrifice Ceremony scene. Samples from ceremonial goblets found in one burial contained human blood antigens, providing conclusive evidence that the Moche used human blood in rituals, aligning with depictions of the Sacrifice Ceremony. San José de Moro, dating at least 250 years after Sipán, suggests the enduring prevalence of the Sacrifice Ceremony in Moche culture. Moche elites, assuming deity roles, oversaw ceremonies involving captive sacrifice, with evidence indicating the transmission of these ritual roles over time. The widespread occurrence of the Sacrifice Ceremony across multiple sites, from the Lambayeque Valley to the Nepeña Valley, implies its integration into a state religion, with both men and women forming a priesthood, dressing in ritual attire, and conducting the ceremonies. Upon their deaths, priests were buried at the ceremonial site, retaining regalia and objects, with successors chosen to continue the ceremonial roles. This analysis further connects the Priestesses in San José de Moro and the Lady of Cao with sacrifice and war ceremonies, cementing women’s place in Moche history that is not sequestered to the home and domestic sphere. In closing, Dr. Silvia Vega-Llona, a Peruvian scholar and anthropologist, writes, “The Mochicas, worshipped their gods and goddesses mainly by offering them the highest form of giving, that of human sacrifice. It was meant to placate them, so they would not visit upon them natural disasters and keep the elements [in good disposition]. But (human) sacrifice is also a form of excess—one gives more than one expects in return, as a sign of sovereignty and power, one gives to gain prestige. [...] no wonder some refer to her as the ‘Sorceress Queen.”

The groundbreaking discovery of the Lady of Cao marked a pivotal moment in Peruvian archaeology and feminist studies. Unearthed in 2004, this powerful female figure challenged established norms within Moche society, defying prevailing narratives of male dominance in ancient Peruvian civilizations. Lead researchers, like Dr. Franco Jordán and José Ismael Alva, paint her as a ruler and complex, powerful figure, one with deity-like powers of a seer, a healer, and perhaps even a leader in the Moche Sacrifice Ceremonies. Her opulent burial, preserving her body adorned with intricate tattoos, jewelry, and artifacts, underscores her elite status and pivotal role in the Moche’s most elite ceremonies. The reopening of the Lady of Cao’s tomb lays a profound foundation for future archaeological endeavors, her story serving as a metaphor for exploring and amplifying the voices of many women yet to be heard, obscured by time. The ongoing dialogue and research surrounding the Lady of Cao illuminates her individual agency as a ruler. The research on her life sparks broader discussions on the intersectionality of power and gender in ancient cultures and the historical narratives that have yet to be rewritten.

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Meg Boedeker is a fashion researcher, educator, archivist, and historian based in NYC. Her thesis work explores how gender and the body are constructed in Surrealist-inspired contemporary fashion. She holds a BA in Liberal Arts from Eugene Lang College at The New School and is currently completing her MA in Fashion Studies at Parsons School of Design. Boedeker’s research spans a wide range of topics, including women and tattooing and the mid-20th-century role of corsetry in fashion as both a societal and corporeal form of control over women’s bodies.